Difference between revisions of "Anarchisme et marxisme"

Catégorie:En traduction Même si le communisme libertaire et le marxisme sont deux philosophies politiques très différentes, il y a quelques similarités entre la méthodologie et l'idéologie de plusieurs anarchistes et marxistes.

L'Association internationale des travailleurs, à sa fondation, était une alliance de plusieurs groupes socialistes, incluant des anarchistes et des marxistes. Les deux côtés avaient un but commun (le communisme sans État) et des adversaires politiques communs (conservateurs et les autres politicailles de droite). Mais chacun était critique envers l'autre, et le conflit inhérant a ensuite pris corps dans l'argumentation entre Bakounine, représentant les idées anarchistes, et Karl Marx lui-même. En 1872, un conflit dans la Première internationale amena l'expulsion de Bakounine et des "bakounistes" quand il le fut décidé par le parti de Marx Congrès de Hague (1872).

Arguments entourant le sort de l'État

Les États-nation sont originaires d'Europe avec le Treaty of Westphalia en 1649. Les scientifiques de la politique moderne décrivent l'État comme centralisé, hiérarchique, gouvernant des institutions qui maintiennent un "monopole sur l'utilisation légitime de la force physique", pour utiliser les termes proposés par le sociologue allemand Max Weber dans son essai de 1918, Politics as a Vocation. Cette définition est acceptée par un peu tous les courants excepté le marxisme.

Le marxisme a une définition unique de l'État: que l'État est l'organe de la répression d'une classe sociales sur toutes les autres. Pour les marxistes, toutes états est intrinsèquement une dictature d'une classe sur les autres. Dans cette définition, l'idée de Dictature du prolétariat peut vouloir dire n'importe quoi de l'utilisation légitime de la force physique par des conseils d'ouvriers/ères armés/es jusqu'au monopole de la force par un parti composé d'intellectuels se réclamant d'être chefs du prolétariat. Dans la théorie marxiste, si la différence entre les classes disparraîssait, l'État disparaîtrait aussi.

Les anarchistes, en contrastre, accepte la définition standart avec la compréhension que les élites politiques et économiques vont toujours dominer l'État, des propos également partagés par les Réalistes et les libéraux mais disputés par les néo-libéralistes qui voient l'État comme une barrière à l'exercice d'un pouvoir de l'élite inrestrint et par les marxistes qui voient l'État comme un outil potentiellement util, qui peut être saisi et utilisé par l'avant-garde du prolétariat.

For anarchists, this means that the ideology claimed by specific states - be they capitalist, fascist or communist - is largely irrelevant since all states are fundamentally violent and repress the working majority in favor of a ruling minority. Furthermore, Anarchists contend that the "Workers State" advocated by Marxists is a logical impossibility since as soon as any self-styled "vanguard" seizes that State they cease being workers (if they ever were) and become members of the "coordinating class". Anarchists disagree amongst themselves if democratic workers councils with a monopoly of violence constitutes a state or not.

Au niveau de la pratique, ce désaccord fondamental à propos du désir de saisir le pouvoir de l'État peut être ramené à la question de si et combien de violences sont acceptables pour réaliser une révolution avec succès. Les anarchistes arguent que tous les États sont illégitimes puisqu'ils ont tous recours à la violence systématique, and that while small scale violence and even targeted assassination of criminal elites may be useful or necessary in some circumstances (see propaganda by the deed) mass violence against civilians - such as that practiced by Lenin to crush the Krondstadt uprising, by Stalin in his infamous Pograms, or by Mao during the "Cultural Revolution" - is never acceptable or justifiable. Marxists disagree and counter that "the ends justify the means", so any amount of violence and bloodshed is justified in order to achieve their ideal workers State.

While Anarchists and Marxists both agree on the long-term desirability of a stateless Society (which Marx called "pure communism"), they have deep arguments about phases of a revolution between now and that ideal. Anarchists wish to "smash" the state, replacing it immediately with workers' councils, syndicates and other methods of organization that are decentralized and non-hierarchal. Marxists, in contrast, wish to "smash" the bourgeois state, but wish to replace it with a new kind of state run by the workers. This Marxist desire is often referred to as "seizing state power." These arguments are often seen as critical, because they involved the autonomy of workers councils, the existence of secret police, the legitimacy of terrorism and state terrorism as revolutionary tactics, and the transparency of justice.

The argument between these conceptions often hides arguments about whose ideas should lead the revolution, and thus have historically resulted in the use of mass violence by Marxist-dominated "workers states" against Anarchists and other revolutionaries. Examples include the mass arrest and execution of Anarchists and other non-bolshevick leftists during the Russian Revolution and the bloody repressiong of the Krondstadt uprising in particular, allegations that during the Spanish Civil War marxist militia members who were theoretically allied with anarchist militieas openned fire into the backs of anarchist troops as they charged the fascist trenches, the bloody repression of dissidants during the Chinese Revolution and the massacre of protesters at Tienamen Square by the Communist government, and the mass execution of anarchists and other dissidents ordered by Che Gueverra during the Cuban Revolution, to name just a few.

Marxists counter by claiming that anarchists are chronically disorganized and that their refusal to submit to the rule of "revolutionary" Marxist states or endorse state terrorism renders them counter-revolutionary. They further contend that if Anarchists were capable of winning revolutions they wouldn't keep getting butchered. Unsurprisingly, Anarchists disagree.

The issue of the state, and the idea of seizing the state for a party, brings up the issue of political parties, which also divides Anarchists and Marxists. In general, anarchists refuse to participate in governments, and so do not form political parties. Marxists, on the other hand, see political parties as tools for seizing power, which they believe is necessary to create any meaningful political change.

La compréhension anarchiste et marxiste des classes

L'analyse des classes des anarchistes et des marxistes est basée sur l'idée que la société est divisée en plusieurs classes, chacune avec des intérêts différents en accord avec leur circonstance matérielle. Les deux diffèrent cependant, dans où ils tracent les lignes entre ces groupes.

Pour les marxistes, les deux classes principales sont la bourgeoisie et la classe prolétarienne. Marx a cru que les circonstances historiques que vivaient les travailleurs industriels, les inciteraient à s'organiser et saisir l'État et les moyens de production de la bourgeoisie. Il faudra ensuite, les collectiviser et créer une société sans classe administré par et pour les travailleurs. He explicitly dismissed peasants, agricultural workers, and the "lumpen-proletarians" - the "underclass" as incapable of creating revolution and argued that the social revolution, led by the Proletariat" was a historical and scientific certainty. Ironiquement, aucune révolution marxiste en n'importe quel pays a été dirigés par les "prolétaires". Post-Marxist and neo-Marxist theories such as Leninism and Maoism seek to explain this as the result of Imperialism artificially raising the standards of living for industrial workers in developed capitalist nations, making them less likely to rebel, and leading to revolutions in poorer less developed nations with majority Peasant populations - such as Russia and China. Lenin further argued that Imperialism was thus ultimately a good thing because it brought advanced western technology to backward and primitive nations and would thus speed up the global industrialization process - and thus bring about the global revolution which Marx had predicted.

The anarchist class analysis predates Marxism, drawing its lineage from the early socialist movement. Anarchists argue that there are three “classes,” which have relevance to social change - not two. Roughly, these are the working class (which includes everyone whose labor is involved in producing and distributing goods as well as much of the so-called “service” industry), the coordinating class (which includes everyone whose labor is primarily concerned with “coordinating” and managing the labor of the working class), and the elite or “owning class,” (which derives its income from it’s control of wealth and resources). Since most Anarchists reject dialectics and historical materialism, Anarchists do not claim that revolution and the reorganization of society are "inevitable", only that they are desirable, and see all liberation movements by oppressed people as fundamentally legitimate, be they "proletarians", "peasants", indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, or cultural minorities (such as homosexuals) without needing to fit these movements into any predetermined "future history."

Anarchism further contends that Marxism fails, and will always fail, because it creates a dictatorship of the coordinating class and that "dictatorship of the proletariat" is a logical impossibility.

Key differences thus include the fact that Anarchists do not differentiate between peasants, lumpen, and proletarians and instead define all people who work for wage labor as members of the working class, regardless of occupation; and that Anarchists do differentiate between the economic and political elites who set policy and the business and government functionaries that carry those policies out whereas Marxists lump the two together.

Argumentation concernant la méthode du matérialisme historique

Le marxisme utilise une forme d'analyse dialectique des sociétés humaines appelées le matérialisme historique. At the crux of historical materialist analysis is the idea that people find themselves in a predetermined material world, and act to produce changes upon that world within the limits of what changes they can conceive of. Un exemple de matérialisme historique pourrait être des paysans féodaux qui se trouveraient sous les ordres d'un lord, et qui imagineraient des solutions religieuses plutôt que politique au problème de leur status non-libre. Underlying these processes is an idea that contradictions and opposed social groups will naturally form and drive social progress.

Le matérialisme historique est dérivé d'une méthode de raisonnement appelés la Dialectique. Cette méthode fonctionne dans l'assumation que tous les phénomènes naturels sont définis dans un contrastre avec les autres phénomènes, que les quantités peuvent être vues qualitativement, que la compréhension précise de phénomènes imprécis est possible(comparable à plusieurs principes physiques d'incertitude). Dialectics can furthermore, Marx and his coworker Friedrich Engels argue, be applied to human society in the form of historical materialism, so that classes can be studied by using contrast between, for example, owner and worker, or by taking quantities to make qualities, such as translating uneven distribution of private property to show class disparity.

Anarchists use a wide variety of tools of social analysis and some anarchists see value in historical materialism as a tool for social analysis. The Irish Workers Solidarity Movement, for instance, makes agreeing with the historical materialist method's value a central point of unity. Most Anarchists, however, dismiss historical materialism as a psuedo-science based on untestable and unfalsifiable universal claims. Anarchists were among the firsts to criticise the dialectical materialist trend on this basis, and on the basis that it dehumanises social and political analysis and is not sustainable as a universal methodology.

Points politiques communs

En mouvement, les "défenseur(e)s" du marxisme et de l'anarchisme ne sont pas nécessairement incompatibles. Au début du 20ième siècle, plusieurs marxistes et anars furent unis dans le mouvement des syndicats révolutionnaires et militants (voir le De Leonisme et l'IWW). Plusieurs marxistes ont honnêtement participé(e)s aux révolutions anarchistes, de même que plusieurs anars ont honnêtement participé(e)s aux révolutions marxistes. De plus, plusieurs organisations révolutionnaires tentent une synthèse entre les traditions marxistes et anarchistes dans le but d'une société où la classe du bas serait enfin libre. Des exemples pourraient inclure le marxisme autonomiste et Joseph Dietzgen.

Bibliographie

• Barker, John H. Individualism and Community: The State in Marx and Early Anarchism. New York: Greenwood Press, 1986. ISBN: 031324706.
• D'Agostino, Anthony. Marxism and the Russian Anarchists. San Francisco: Germinal Press, 1977. ISBN: 0918064031.
• Dolgoff, Sam (ed.). Bakunin on Anarchism. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 2002. ISBN: 0919619053 (Hardcover), 0919619061 (Paperback)
• Vincent, K. Steven. Between Marxism and Anarchism: Benoit Malon and French Reformist Socialism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. ISBN: 0918064031
• Libertarian Communist Library - Contains many Anarchist and Marxist Texts, as well as texts which crossover between the two

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