Anarchisme et luttes de libération nationale

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Le nationalisme et l'anarchisme émergèrent en Europe à la fin de la Révolution française et ont une longue relation compliquée, remontant au moins à Bakounine et son implication première dans le mouvement panslaviste avant son implication dans mouvement anarchiste, et durant les quelques années qui suivirent.

There has been a long history of anarchist involvement with nationalism all over the world. Anarchists who see value in nationalism typically argue that a nation is first and foremost a people; that the state is parasitic upon the nation and should not be confused with it; and that since in reality states rarely coincide with national entities, the ideal of the nation-state is actually little more than a myth. Within modern western Europe, for instance, there are well over 500 ethnic nations and only 25 states[1], and in Asia, Africa and the Americas the numbers are even more dramatic. Moving from this position, they argue that the achievement of meaningful self-determination for all of the world's nations requires an anarchist political system based on local control, free federation and mutual aid.

Most modern anarchists, by contrast, militantly oppose nationalism, as they equate the nation with the state. A majority of contemporary anarchists therefore consider nationalist anarchism to be a contradiction.

Although anarchism is generally considered a movement of the left, the nationalist and anti-semitic side of Proudhon's and Bakunin's thought would feed into 20th-century parties and movements of the radical right, some of which claimed these early anarchists as their own. For example, the proto-fascist Cercle Proudhon set up in 1911 cited Proudhon as an inspiration. Similarly the national syndicalist movement in Italy, a group of a few thousand former members of various anarcho-syndicalist labor unions who split with the larger anarchist movement over their support for Italian nationalism, was cited by Mussolini as a major source of inspiration. Nazis like Willibald Schulze cited Proudhon as an inspiration of national socialism.

Historical fusions of nationalism and anarchism: an overview

The Funeral of the Anarchist Galli by Carlo Carrà.

In the early to mid 19th century Europe, the ideas of nationalism, socialism, and liberalism were closely intertwined. Revolutionaries and radicals like Giuseppe Mazzini aligned with all three in about equal measure (Hearder 1966: 46-7, 50). The early pioneers of anarchism were a product of the spirit of their times: they had much in common with both liberals and socialists, and they shared much of the outlook of early nationalism as well. Thus Mikhail Bakunin had a long career as a pan-Slavic nationalist before adopting anarchism. He wrote for Herzen's journal The Bell, defending his cousin and patron, Nikolay Muravyov-Amursky, the Governor General of Eastern Siberia. Max Nettlau remarked of this "This may be expalined by Bakunin's increasing nationalist psychosis, induced and nourished by the expansionist ideas of the officials and exploiters who surrounded him in Siberia, causing him to overlook the plight of their victims.". He also agitated for a United States of Europe (a contemporary nationalist vision originated by Mazzini).[2] In 1880/81 the Boston-based Irish nationalist W. G. H. Smart wrote articles for a magazine called The Anarchist. Similarly, Anarchists in China during the early part of the 20th century were very much involved in the nationalist movement while actively opposing racist elements of the Anti-Manchu wing of that movement, and during the Mexican Revolution Anarchists such as Ricardo Flores Magón participated enthusiastically in what was indisputably a left-nationalist revolution.

More recent fusions of anarchism and nationalism have been generally perceived as "outside" of the larger anarchist movement as the perception of nationalism itself has shifted from being a left-wing ideology aimed at liberation to a right-wing ideology aimed at strengthening the state. Most modern anarchists resoundingly denounce nationalism for its statism, and position anarchism as an alternative to nationalism which can actually achieve the self-determination that nationalism argues for but fails to deliver. Modern attempts to fuse the two are thus relatively trivial by historical standards and extremely limited in influence.

Anarchism and nationalism in China

Anarchists in China were deeply involved in the nationalist movement and many served as "movement elders" in the KMT right up until the defeat of the nationalists by the Maoists. A minority of Chinese Anarchists associated with the Paris Group funneled large sums of money to Sun Yet Sen to help finance the Nationalist revolution of 1911.

Anarchist involvement with the Kuomintang from 1911 on remained relatively minor, not only because the majority of Anarchists opposed nationalism on principle but because the KMT government was more then willing to level repression against anarchist organizations whenever and wherever they challenged state power. Still, a few prominent anarchists, notably Jing Meijiu and Zhang Ji (both affiliated with the Tokyo Group) were elected to positions within the KMT government and continued to call themselves Anarchists while doing so. The response from the larger anarchist movement was decidedly mixed. The "Diligent Work and Frugal Study" program in France, a series of businesses and educational programs organized along anarchist lines that allowed Chinese students from working-class backgrounds to come to France and receive a European education that had previously been only available to a tiny wealthy elite, was one product of this collaboration of the anarchists with nationalists. The program educated thousands of Chinese workers and students, including many future communist leaders such as Deng Xiaoping.

Following the success of the Bolsheviks in the Russian Revolution anarchism went into decline in the Chinese labour movement. In 1924 the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) allied itself with the nationalist Kuomintang (KMT). Originally composed of many former anarchists, it soon attracted a mass base, becoming increasingly critical of anarchism. When the Kuomintang purged the CPC from its ranks in 1927, the group of anarchists who had long participated in the KMT urged their younger comrades to join the movement and utilize it in the same way that the Stalinists had been using it gain membership and influence. Despite opposition from other anarchist groups originally critical of this opportunism, most anarchists eventually joined in.

Partly because of the growing power of the right-wing within the KMT and the repression of workers movements advocated by that right wing, the Anarchists opted not tt join the KMT en masse or even work within it, instead, the result of this last collaboration was the creation of China's first Labor University. The Labor University was intended to be a domestic version of the Paris groups Diligent Work and Frugal Study educational program and sought to create a new generation of Labor Intellectuals who would finally overcome the gap between "those who work with their hands” and “those who work with their minds." The goal was to train working-class people with the skills they needed to self-organize and set up their own independent organizations and worker-owned businesses, which would form the seed of a new anarchist society within the shell of the old in a Duel Power-based evolutionary strategy reminiscent of Proudhon.

The university would only function for a very few years before the Nationalist government decided that the project was too subversive to allow it too continue and pulled funding. When the KMT initiated a second wave of repression against the few remaining mass movements, anarchists left the organization en masse and were forced underground as hostilities between the KMT and CPC — both of whom were hostile towards anti-authoritarians — escalated.

Anarchism and nationalism in Mexico

Ricardo Flores Magón, one of the early leaders of the Mexican left-nationalist movement which eventually culminated in the Mexican Revolution, based his anarchism primarily on the works of early anarchists Mikhail Bakunin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, but was also influenced by his anarchist contemporaries: Élisée Reclus, Charles Malato, Errico Malatesta, Anselmo Lorenzo, Emma Goldman, Fernando Tarrida del Mármol and Max Stirner. However, he was most influenced by Peter Kropotkin. Flores Magón also read from the works of Karl Marx and Henrik Ibsen. Kropotkin's The Conquest of Bread, which he considered a kind of anarchist bible, served as basis for the short-lived revolutionary communes in Baja California during the "Magonista" Revolt of 1911.

In addition to his work with the Partido Liberal Mexicano, Magón organised with the Wobblies (IWW) and edited Regeneración, which aroused the workers against the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz.

Har Dayal

In the 1910s Lala Har Dayal became an anarchist agitator in San Francisco, joining the IWW before becoming a pivotal figure in the Ghadar Party. A long-time advocate of Hindu nationalism, he developed a vision of anarchism based upon a return to the principles of ancient Aryan society (Puri 1983). He was particularly influenced by Guy Aldred, who was jailed for printing The Indian Sociologist in 1907. Aldred, an anarcho-communist, was careful to point out that this solidarity arose because he was an advocate of free speech and not because he felt that nationalism would help the working class in India or elsewhere.. The National Bolshevik, Fritz Wolffheim was also involved with the IWW at the same time as Har Dayal

Völkisch anarchism

A concept of nationalist anarchism independent of anti-semitism or far right input can be traced back to the populist revolutionary nationalisms of the 19th and early 20th centuries, such as the Russian narodniks (themselves a cradle of many political strains and tendencies with anarchistic leanings) and the völkisch movement of Germany and Austria. The latter inherited its Romantic outlook from Johann Gottfried von Herder whose own philosophy, which also inspired Mazzini (Hearder 1966: 44, 46), affirmed both the particularity of national cultures (nationalism) and their value within a universal context (internationalism).

As the völkisch movement developed, sections of it focussed on to theories of anti-semitism and racial supremacy which claimed a foundation in biology. Others, however, repudiated racism and preserved Herder's emphasis upon the equality of all nations. Among these prophets of international nationalism was the German-Jewish völkisch anarchist Gustav Landauer.

Alternative Socialism

A recent revival of völkisch anti-racism can be found in the Alternative Socialist Movement, an alliance of British radicals formed during the 1970s in which Keith Motherson (formerly Keith Paton) and the controversial artist Monica Sjöö were key members. Alternative Socialism sought to synthesise a range of seeming contraries: dissident Marxism with anarchism, socialism with libertarianism, Christianity with paganism, and reformism with revolution.

It espoused the love of homeland and country from a nonviolent and feminist perspective which Motherson dubbed 'matriotism', and drew upon an interpretation of German völkisch thought as an essentially cosmopolitan current of ideas celebrating ethnic and cultural diversity. The movement rejected every form of patriarchal machismo from the left as well as the right, and therefore it advocated countering fascism through dialog.

Black Ram

Anarcho-swastika, symbol of the Black Ram Group

Alternative Socialism is an evident precursor to a similar concept of völkisch anarchism which surfaced briefly in the British anarchist movement in 1982 when the Black Ram Group (formerly Derby Anarchist Group) published the first and only edition of its journal Black Ram. This publication made connections between anarchism, neo-paganism and völkisch nationalist ideas (Landauer in particular), with further exploration of these themes promised. However the group disbanded in the following year without further elaboration.

The Black Ram Group remained within the mainstream anarchist consensus of anti-racism and anti-sexism. Its positive evaluation of nationalism derived not from any roots in far right political organisations, but from the theoretical consideration that:

"the pseudo-'nationalism' of the 'nation-State' - which anarchists unequivocally oppose...must be distinguished from the nationalism of the people (Volk) which in its more consistent expressions is a legitimate rejection of both foreign domination and internal authoritarianism, i.e. the State." - Black Ram

The term 'anarcho-nationalist' is introduced in Black Ram 1:12 to describe the outlook of American Odinists with whom the paper's editors were in sympathy and, since then, it has been reused as a general term covering nationalist anarchisms. The term national anarchism was also used in the title of an article projected for publication in the second edition, 'Towards an Anarchist Nationalism: provisional manifesto of the National Anarchist Pagan Resurgence', but no further editions appeared and so it was never formally defined. Other material in the first issue leaves no doubt of the direction that was intended. Wotan, 'Fylfots for Freedom', Black Ram 1:7-8 sets out a programme aiming to subvert fascism by reclaiming symbols and concepts for libertarian ends. The group's emblem was a circled A in the centre of a swastika ('anarcho-swastika').

This use of the swastika was not just about taking back a symbol: it stood for the reclaiming of ideas too. The point, for Black Ram, was that the Nazis stole völkisch language and principles from early 20th-century populists and counterculturalists in the first place; Nazis have no right to them. Alternative Socialism had considered these same ideas important because they signpost the continuation of older currents of socialism concerned with ethnicity, land and culture, which Marxist economic determinism sidelined. As a result, socialists withdrew from activism across a wide range of fronts, and what remained of the old pre-Marxist, utopian socialisms — finding no other outlet — was forced into opposition to the Marxist-monopolised Left. One of the things which they turned into was fascism. But it didn't have to happen that way, and if we don't want it to happen again — the Alternative Socialist and Black Ram analyses concur — then socialists of a more libertarian persuasion have to get back into the broad völkisch, ethno-cultural arena. It is not a case of anarchists aping Nazis; if these concerns now strike us as Nazi, it is because the Nazis misappropriated them from leftists.

Black anarchism or Panther anarchism

Template:Main article Black anarchism opposes the existence of a state and subjugation and domination of people of color, and favors a non-hierarchical organization of society. Black anarchists seek to abolish white supremacy, capitalism, and the state. Theorists include Ashanti Alston, Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin, Kuwasi Balagoon, many former members of the Black Panther Party, and Martin Sostre. Black anarchism rejects the traditional anarchist movement.

Black anarchists have criticized both the hierarchical organization of the Black Panther party, and the anarchist movement, on the grounds that it has traditionally been European and/or white-based. They oppose the anti-racist conception, based on the universalism of the Enlightenment, which is proposed by the anarchist workers' tradition, arguing that it is not adequate enough to struggle against racism and that it disguises real inequalities by proclaiming a de jure equality. For example, Pedro Ribeiro has criticized the whole of the anarchist movement by declaring that:

"It is a white, petty-bourgeois Anarchism that cannot relate to the people. As a Black person, I am not interested in your Anarchism. I am not interested in individualistic, self-serving, selfish liberation for you and your white friends. What I care about is the liberation of my people." [3]

Black anarchists are thus influenced by the civil rights movement and Black nationalism, and seek to forge their own movement that represents their own identity and tailored to their own unique situation. However, in contrast to black activism that was, in the past, based in leadership from hierarchical organizations such as the Black Panther Party, black anarchism rejects such methodology in favor of developing organically through communication and cooperation to bring about an economic and cultural revolution that does away with racist domination, capitalism, and the state. From Alston's @narchist Panther Zine:

"Panther anarchism is ready, willing and able to challenge old nationalist and revolutionary notions that have been accepted as ‘common-sense.’ It also challenges the bullshit in our lives and in the so-called movement that holds us back from building a genuine movement based on the enjoyment of life, diversity, practical self-determination and multi-faceted resistance to the Babylonian Pigocracy. This Pigocracy is in our ‘heads,’ our relationships as well as in the institutions that have a vested interest in our eternal domination." From @narchist Panther Zine, October 1999, Edition 1, Volume 1

National-Anarchism

By far the most controversial modern attempt to fuse nationalism and anarchism is National-Anarchism, a position developed in the 1990s by the National Revolutionary Faction, a UK-based organization which cultivated links to certain far-right circles in Britain and the former Soviet Union. National-Anarchist groups have also arisen in Germany, France and North America. In the UK, National-Anarchists worked with Albion Awake, Alternative Green (published by former Green Anarchist editor, Richard Hunt) and Jonathan Boulter to develop the "Anarchist Heretics Fair". While most mainstream anarchist groups denounced them, SchNEWS ran advertisements for the Fair.

The National-Anarchists advocate an explicitly racialist and segregated organization of society, typical of neo-nazis, but also oppose the totalitarian state typically advocated by fascists and neo-fascists. Their leading UK activist, Troy Southgate, organised a meeting on 12 March 2005 with Jonathan Bowden of the British National Party, the Eurasia Party leader Alexander Dugin, and Father Andrew Phillips, a priest from the British Orthodox Church, as well as Keith Thompson, a man with many years involvement with the far right. (Leonid Savin, an activist of the Eurasia Party in the Ukraine, successfully infiltrated Peoples Global Action, running the PGA info-point in Sumy for a number of years.)

Their position within the anarchist movement is roughly analogous to that of anarcho-capitalism, another attempt to incorporate an anarchist analysis of the state into a fundamentally right-wing world view. Both groups are vehemently condemned and disowned by the majority in the anarchist movement as contrary to everything that anarchism stands for.

The emergence of right-wing analogues of anarchism especially recalls the historical split between Marxism and fascism. Mussolini, and many other prominent fascists, began their careers as socialists before abandoning the class war in favour of a third-way alternative to both capitalism and Marxism: effectively, a 'socialism of the right'. They brought with them a powerful ideological authoritarianism that re-invigorated the far-right and led to the rise of fascist regimes around the world. Perhaps because of this origin, the relationship between Marxists and fascists was especially bitter. The divide between the leftist majority within the anarchist movement and right-wing groups that have adopted the name anarchist is, if possible, even more hostile.

The argument against the inclusion of National-Anarchism is essentially that appropriating a name is not enough to establish membership in a tradition of thought: very few scholars would argue that the National Socialist German Workers' Party (the Nazi Party) was actually socialist or that the Democratic Republic of Congo is actually a democracy, and similarly National-Anarchism does not constitute a type of anarchism merely on account of its name.

See also

• Carlo Carrà painter of The Funeral of the Anarchist Galli.

Notes

References

• Hampson, Norman. 1968. The Enlightenment. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books.
• Hearder, Harry. 1966. Europe in the Nineteenth Century 1830-1880. New York: Longman. ISBN 0-582-48212-7
• Puri, Karish K. 1983. Ghadar Movement: Ideology, Organisation and Strategy. Guru Nanak Dev University Press.

External links

• Anarchists against nationalism and anarchists and nationalism at flag.blackened.net
• Are anarchists against nationalism? at spunk press
• Anarchist Integralism
• Anarchist Notions of Nationalism and Patriotism
• Beyond Nationalism, But Not Without It Nationalism and Anarchism from a Black anarchist perspective, from Anarchist Panther by Ashanti Alston
• Post Colonial Anarchism, by Roger White. Anarchism, Nationalism, and National liberation from an APOC perspective.

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